CLAIMS
OF THE JEWISH AND ARAB PEOPLES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW TO THE RIGHT OF
POLITICAL SELF DETERMINATION IN PALESTINE
by
Wallace Brand
Introduction
Most
people don't understand that Palestine, or at least the alleged
"Palestinian People," has no right to be sovereign even though they
read UN Conventions dealing with the right of a “people” that appear to say any
"people" has the right to self-determination.
They
haven't obeyed the scholar's imperative: "read on" to where the Charter
provides for "sovereign equality". These are the legal code words
guaranteeing the territorial integrity of sovereign states.
CNH
Long became the Dean of the Yale Medical School . When he was a freshman
at Oxford , one of his friends found in the 600 year
old rulebook, a rule permitting the practice of archery in a certain way
between the hours of 2 and 6. In the intervening 550 years the way had become a
boulevard and then a major traffic artery. When they practiced one day, they
blocked traffic and caused a considerable traffic jam.
They
were haled before the Wardens who said they would be punished.
Electronic
copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2385304
One
of the students pointed to the rule, the Wardens replied: “Read on.” and
pointed to another rule two pages on that provided: “When practicing archery
one must be wearing Lincoln Green. So Long and the other students were
punished. They should have read further.
By
the 70s the natural law provision entitling a “people” to self determination
had become international law. But the international lawyers drafting these
provisions had inserted into the rules a provision for “sovereign equality” —
legal code words standing for the proposition that a sovereign may not invade
the boundary of another sovereign’s territory. So while the law might provide
for the self-determination of a “people”, they could not unilaterally secede
from a preexisting state. That is the rule followed by the US in the current Ukrainian
controversy and pushed by it at the European Union and NATO.
Most
people also think that the basis for Israel 's sovereignty was the UN
General Assembly's Resolution 181, the Partition Resolution, not the 1920 San
Remo Resolution and the Palestine Mandate. The latter was a treaty approved by
52 League
of Nations
members
in 1922 and the US . This Mandate provided
detail for the Balfour Declaration policy adopted by the Allies word-for-word
at San Remo .
People were persuaded as above because the UN
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People,
dominated by Arabs and Africans, got a law professor at George Washington
University W.T. Mallison (and his wife Sally) to write
a
legal opinion to the effect that the occupation of Judea and Samaria was illegal under
international law. The Committee published it in pamphlet form in 1979. It was
entitled "An International Law Analysis of the Major United Nations
Resolutions Concerning the Palestine Question". How many people on the
street know anything at all about international law?
Electronic
copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2385304
Most
people reading it assumed that the UN General Assembly was like the Congress.
They assumed that when the UN General Assembly enacted a resolution, it became
a part of international law. That is not so and the Mallisons did nothing to
disabuse them
of
that assumption. These UN General Assembly resolutions are only
recommendations. If they are accepted by all parties to a dispute, the parties
may enter into a treaty. That becomes a part of international law. See e.g. The
Effect of Resolutions of the U.N.
General
Assembly on Customary International Law by Stephen M. Schwebel, deputy legal
advisor to the US Department of State in Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American
Society of International Law), Vol. 73(APRIL 26-28, 1979), pp. 301-309.
He
said:
"It
is trite but no less true that the General Assembly of the United Nations lacks
legislative powers. Its resolutions are not, generally speaking, binding on the
States Members of the United Nations or binding in international law at large.
It could hardly be otherwise.
We
do not have a world legislature. If we had one, hopefully it would not be
composed as is the General Assembly on the basis of the unrepresentative
principle of the sovereign equality of states, states which in turn are
represented by governments so many of which are themselves not representative
of their peoples.
"As
the [United States] Secretary of State recently put it: 'In considering the
decision making process in the United Nations, it is important to bear in mind
that while the one-state, one-vote procedure for expressing the sense of the
General Assembly is from many points of view unsatisfactory, the incorporation
of this principle in the Charter was balanced by giving the Assembly only
recommendatory powers.'"
Schwebel
went on to say there were some International Lawyers that tried to fit 4
statements in UN Resolutions into the category of long standing custom or
practice between or among states.
The
Mallison legal opinion assumed that the UN Partition Resolution was a part of
International Law. It divided Palestine west of the Jordan River into three parts. One
part went to the Jews, one part to the Arabs, and one part was to become, at
least initially, a "corpus separatum" to be ruled by a Committee of
the UN. That was the Jerusalem area -- containing many
religious sites that were holy for all three major religions.
That
the legal opinion was a gross distortion of international law outraged Julius
Stone, an Australian, world recognized international lawyer. In response he
wrote a book published in 1981 entitled Israel Palestine: Assault on the Law of
Nations. In it he showed that the Major UN General Assembly Resolutions were not
international law because Resolution 181, the Partition Resolution, although
accepted by the Jews was not accepted by the Arabs and therefore it died at
birth. For that reason the Jews were not limited to the territory they were
assigned in Resolution 181. Also, the Jews were not illegally in the Jerusalem area because the corpus
separatum also died at birth along with Resolution 181.
Mallison's
legal opinion also opined that Arabs residing in Palestine had, under international
law, a right to self-determination. But that right has never been awarded
under international law in the case of attempted secession where its
application would have empowered the UN to redraw the boundaries of an existing
sovereign state. It has only been applied to cases of decolonization.
Mallison ignored that all of Palestine west of the Jordan River was recognized by some 53
states in 1922 as being owned by the Jews when they approved the Palestine
Mandate. Some 52 were members of the League of Nations that approved it as a
treaty and the United States that wasn't a member of
the League approved it by a Joint
Resolution
of Congress in 1922 and in a separate treaty, the Anglo-American Convention of
1924.
The
chronology is this. At the Paris Peace Talks in 1919, claims to the European
and Middle
East territories that the Allies had won in WWI, for them a defensive war,
were the subject of claims by European parties and also by the Arab people and
the Jewish
People. The Arabs through King Hussein claimed Syria , Iraq and Palestine — the Jews, through the
World Zionist Organization claimed only Palestine , both east and west of
the Jordan
River . The Allies disposed of the claims to European territories at Versailles but did not resolve the
claims to the Middle East territories until they had reconvened at San Remo in 1920. There they
placed the political rights to Syria and Mesopotamia (now Iraq ) in trust for the Arab
people who were in the majority in those areas when the Arabs were capable
of exercising sovereignty and placed the political rights to Palestine in trust for the Jews in
the light of their historic association with Palestine . Why? At the time the
Jewish population in all of Palestine was only about 10% of the
total, even
though the Jews had enjoyed a majority population
in the Jerusalem area since 1863 and a
plurality since 1845. The British, in their Balfour policy framed in November,
1917 had decided to handle this by placing the political rights in trust not
only until the people in the territory were capable of exercising
sovereignty but also not until the Jews had attained a population majority by
their hard work to bring back to Palestine Jews from the Diaspora to get a
population majority. This would avoid an "antidemocratic
government, rule by a 10% minority — like the
later French recognition of the Alawites as sovereign over Syria that has
resulted in so much death and destruction. To award the Jewish People only the
equitable ownership of the political rights to Palestine — the rights to
self-determination, they would place these political rights in trust, not to
vest until the Jews had both a population majority as well as the capability of
exercising
sovereignty
and would require the trustee to facilitate Jewish immigration (but not
Arab immigration) so as to obtain that majority more quickly. However between
1920 and 1922 events in Syria and in trans-Jordan, Palestine east of the Jordan
River had motivated Britain to limit the area placed in trust for the Jews
to the territory of Palestine west of the Jordan. The Palestine Mandate
was drafted to specify in detail the new British Policy in Article 25, a
temporary limitation on Jewish settlement east of the Jordan .
In
1947 the British decided to abdicate their responsibilities as trustee of the
political rights to Palestine in 1948. The political
rights of the Jews matured in 1950 when the Jews attained a population majority
in the area within the Armistice boundary.
Instead
of only an equitable interest, now, without formal acclamation, the Jews now had
a legal interest in the political rights and the Jewish National Home had
matured into a Jewish reconstituted Commonwealth as originally conceived in the
framing of the Balfour Declaration. If those Arab people residing in Palestine
west of the Jordan had any right to self-determination, the UN would have to
redraw the boundary of the sovereign state of Israel to exclude at least East
Jerusalem from the sovereign State of Israel, and also to exclude Judea and
Samaria to which Israel was entitled but to which Israel had not as yet
asserted its rights. This would violate Israel 's territorial integrity
that was guaranteed by the UN Charter. My legal opinion to that effect can be
found at: SSRN.com/abstract=2385304 and is shown below in detail.
International
Law is derived principally from treaties between or among states, but also can
be derived from long standing custom between or among states. In 1984 those
pushing Palestinian statehood financed the publication of a scholarly appearing
journal entitled Palestinian Yearbook of International Law responding to
Professor Stone's treatise. In it, in an article entitled "The Juridical
Basis of Palestinian Self-Determination" the Mallisons attempted to
resurrect their legal opinion by trying to fit the UN's Partition Resolution,
that had died at birth, into the category of a longstanding custom or practice
of many states. That is hard to accept because the Arab states that were a
major part of the group that dominated the UN and its Committee on the Exercise
of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, at the time of the
Partition Resolution had not accepted the Resolution as international law but
instead had rejected it so violently they had gone to war.
PART
I: "Roots Of Israel 's Sovereignty And Boundaries
In International Law: In Defense Of The Levy Report.
Part I first examines the legal basis of the Levy
report, which concluded that Jewish settlements are legal. In fact, the
legality of Israel 's presence in Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem was res judicata as of
April 25, 1920, when [at the San Remo Conference]
World Jewry received a beneficial interest in the
political rights to Palestine that was intended to
mature into a legal interest. The policy for the Arab States that were
established at around the same time by other Mandates was to bestow on the
current Arab inhabitants of those states an equitable interest in the political
rights to those states, but the beneficiary for Mandated Palestine was not the
Jews residing in Palestine but World Jewry. The
Mandate thus confirmed a living connection between the Jews and
their
homeland, extending over some 3700 years. Modern Israel was legally projected
to be molded in two stages, where [1] "Palestine was legally recognized as
a Jewish National Home -- as a prelude to [2] a reconstituted Jewish
State," which would come into being when the Jews in Palestine were
in the majority. Part I also discusses the sorry history of Britain ’s role as trustee.
In
sum, "the Mandate system provided in Article 22 of the League of Nations’
Covenant was designed to help states that had been subject to Ottoman
occupation for 400 years, to become independent after they learned democratic
principles, formed political parties and were able to self govern. An exception
was the Mandate for Israel where the Jewish People
who had largely been driven out of Palestine and dispersed by the
Romans, were recognized as the owners of the political rights."
The
decision on whether the Arabs or the Jews have sovereignty over all of Palestine west of the Jordan River under International Law
is res judicata, lawyer talk for "the issue has already been
decided".
We
tell you below who the judges were, what gave them jurisdiction or authority to
make the decision, when the competing claims were received and when they were
acted upon, how the Judges communicated their decision, and why the decision
was to provide a two--‐step process, first a Jewish National Home and then a
Jewish State.
The
recent Levy Report is one of a series of legal opinions by several people, each
independently reaching the same conclusion.
This
is the conclusion that World Jewry has had as of 1920, a Jewish National Home
in all of Palestine , or since 1922 at least
in that part of Palestine west of the Jordan River . That National Home was
always intended to be a prelude to a reconstituted Jewish State in Palestine . It was a part of the
mandate system provided for in the League of Nations Covenant or charter,
Article 22. These mandated areas were areas ruled from afar for many years and
were intended to be helped by more established states to become
self--governing states when they were found to be ready for it. The Mandate for
Palestine had different standards
for statehood. It was to become a reconstituted viable Jewish
State
of Israel when it met two standards
originally established i.e. to attain a majority of Jewish population
in the area governed, and
to become as capable of exercising sovereignty as any modern European State .
Recent
Levy Report on whether settlements in Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem are illegal.
I
started my own inquiry and analysis several years ago. It was commenced before
the recent publication of the report of the Levy Commission [1] finding that
Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria were not illegal as Article 49 of the
4th Geneva Convention [2] prohibiting the "deportation or
transfer" of its citizens was not applicable to decisions of individual
Israeli citizens to move their place of residence. Permitting them to do so or
even facilitating the relocation was not the proscribed exercise of State
Power. The Levy Report held that the 4th Geneva Convention was directed solely
at prohibiting the exercise of state power. The report also held that the claim
by Israel to the ownership of the political rights to this territory was a good
claim based on the 1920 San Remo Resolution and on the British Mandate for
Palestine as of 1922 [3] because The San Remo decision, a treaty among the
Principal Allied War Powers, had adopted the 1917 Balfour Declaration of
British Policy [4] with the result that it had now become International Law.
The 1922 League of Nations Mandate for Palestine , providing detail for
administering the content of the Balfour Declaration [5] confirmed the San Remo agreement as the source
of Jewish political or national rights to Palestine , with a new Article 25
intended to limit Jewish settlement East of the Jordan River . Other opinions reaching
the same conclusion In the course of my own inquiry, I learned that before I
had started, Dr. Jacques Gauthier had compiled a monumental 1400 page doctoral
thesis, [6] Dr. Gauthier's work was followed by a legal tome of 732 pages
written by Howard Grief, Esq. a Canadian lawyer now residing in Israel.[7]
Grief's book was followed by that of a non--lawyer, Mr. Salomon Benzimra of
Toronto, who stated in a much shorter and more readable work — with helpful
maps — the factual premises leading to the legal conclusions of Gauthier
and Grief. His book was published in Kindle by Amazon in November, 2011.
[8] My own view was initially published on--‐line
in a blog — Think-Israel.org — but thereafter, with greater documentation, in a
two part op ed in a conservative
newspaper in Israel known as Arutz Sheva. [9]
My legal opinion was followed by the opinion of Dr. Cynthia Wallace,[10]
who had been retained by a Christian Evangelical group. Finally, a recent
report by the Levy Commission authorized by the current Prime 11 Minister of
Israel [English translation] of the legal arguments in the Levy Report
(updated) [11] contained the legal opinions of
three
distinguished Israeli jurists. One was Justice Edmund Levy, formerly a Justice
of the Supreme Court of Israel. These jurists, for the first time,
delivered an opinion on the status of Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem that was not dominated by
an Israeli left wing Labor Government. All these opinions have only minor
differences and reach the same conclusion — that World Jewry owns the political
or national rights to all of Palestine West of the Jordan , and possibly some of
that east of the Jordan as well. Legal opinions
reaching the same conclusion, to my knowledge, go back at least to 1993 [12] so
it cannot be said to be a
recent politically inspired fabrication as some of
its critics have charged. See especially, "Israel 's Rights to Samaria " [13] and excellent
articles by Douglas Feith and Elliott A.
Green.[14] Feith was later the Deputy Secretary of
Defense for Policy under Rumsfeld in the George W Bush Administration; Elliott
Green is an Israeli researcher. The critics with this view have responded
ad hominem but few have raised issues of fact or law. More recently I have
encountered the opinion of the acclaimed international lawyer, the late Julius
Stone of Australia , the author of Israel and Palestine : Assault on the Law of
Nations. The major points of the Levy Report 12 In the Levy Report, the
first issue was whether Jewish settlements in Judea , Samaria , and East Jerusalem , three areas invaded by
the Arab Legion in 1948 and illegally occupied until 1967, were
unlawful.
The Israeli Labour Government lawyer, Theodor
Meron [15] had suggested the proper law to apply was the law of
"belligerent occupation." Belligerent
occupation occurs when a belligerent state invades the territory of another
sovereign state with the intention of holding the territory at least
temporarily. That law is based on Article 43 of the 4th Hague Convention
of 1907 that assumes that land being occupied has a legitimate sovereign. It is
not applicable because Jordan was illegally occupying
it after an aggressive invasion in 1948. Another Labour Party lawyer, Talia
Sasson, [16] also claimed the occupation was illegal, also assumed
belligerent occupation, and strongly criticized the settlements. But
even if belligerent occupation were found applicable, there would have to
be shown that under the Geneva Convention the state of Israel had "deported or
transferred" the "settlers". These "settlers" [17]
were individuals who had decided on their own for economic or religious
reasons to move to a new place to live outside the 1949 Armistice "Green
Line". Some of them were re--settlers, who just wanted to return to
their homes — after the area had been liberated. Their homes were in a place
that had been illegally occupied by Jordan and they had been
expelled by Jordan in 1948 or thereafter.
They clearly were not "deported" by Israel and if they relocated
under their own motivation 13 for patriotic reasons, religious reasons or just
to go back to the home from which they were expelled in 1948, no state had
"transferred" them. They simply moved for their own reasons. The
term "transfer" must be distorted to be applied to situations it
simply was not intended to cover such as a movement of that kind. The 4th
Geneva Convention is directed at state action, not the action of individuals.
The earlier opinions of Labor Government lawyers took a Convention that
was directed at states and attempted to apply it to individuals by holding
that it meant that the State of Israel was required to prevent its Jewish
citizens from moving where they wanted to even though preventing them from
doing so would violate the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Articles
13 and 15(2).[18] One of the authors of the Levy Report had in 2011 written
about the interpretation that distorted the word "transfer".[19]
After finding that the Geneva Convention did not apply, the Levy Commission
looked to determine the state that did have sovereignty over the area
conquered by the Arab Legion in 1948.[20] In 1948, the Arab Legion, acting as
the army of trans-Jordan that later became the Nation State of Jordan, invaded
the
area
that had been ruled by the British Mandatory Government for Palestine as the trustee under the
Mandate for Palestine .
It was soon after the Mandate or trust had been
abandoned by its trustee, Great Britain . Israel had announced its independence
and was ruling as the reconstituted State of Israel as had been recommended
by the UN General
Assembly Resolution 181.[21] The Arab Legion was
an Army consisting in the main of Arab trans-Jordanian soldiers but they were
supplied with arms by the British and led by British Officers under the
command of British General Glubb, (Glubb Pasha) even though Britain the US
and many other countries had embargoed arms to Israel. For some 19 years, from
1948 to 1967, Jordan illegally occupied
what had been Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem . Under its rule all the
58 synagogues in the area but one were destroyed; some 38,000 tombstones
from the Jewish Cemetery on the Mount of Olives were broken or
defaced;
all Jews were expelled from the area it acquired. Jordan 's promises in the 1948
Armistice Agreement to permit visits by Christians and Jews to their holy
places were not kept. In 1967, when the IDF reached the Western Wall of the Temple Mount , they found a latrine had
been built against it. While the former leftist Labor Government lawyers had
held after 1967 that Israeli was holding the territory under the Law of
Belligerent Occupation, it is hard to see how they arrived at that
conclusion. That doctrine only applies to belligerent occupation against a
lawful sovereign in an area. Only two countries in the whole world, Britain and Pakistan had recognized Jordan 's sovereignty over what
they renamed the "West Bank ". All of Jordan 's territory dating back
to before 1948 was on the East Bank of the River Jordan. Perhaps
they renamed the area the Israelis had liberated — 15 called Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem since historic times —
"The West Bank" because they would look silly claiming that the
Jews were illegally occupying Judea . (Hats off to Professor Steven Plaut)
The San Remo Resolution Israel 's roots in International
Law start in the San Remo Resolution of 1920 and not as most assume, in
the UN General Assembly Resolution of 1947. It was the latter that recommended
Partition of Palestine into an Arab and a Jewish state. In that resolution
Jerusalem and the nearby holy
places were to be held separately a s a corpus separatum at least temporarily
under control of the UN. It was a recommendation that had no force and no
effect because one of the parties it was addressed to, the Arabs, rejected it
and went to war. What is International Law International Law is created by
treaties (also called "conventions) between and among states or by long
standing custom. International Law cannot be created by the UN. The UN General
Assembly does not have that authority; nor does any international entity. The
International Court of Justice has no authority to create International law.
This is particularly true where International Law recognizes sovereignty over
areas such as Palestine . That is because the UN
Charter in Article 80 says in pertinent part, "...nothing in this 16
Chapter shall be construed in or of itself to alter in any manner the rights
whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international
instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be parties.
[22] Its being saved is also the consequence of the legal doctrines of
"acquired legal rights" and of "estoppel. As explained by Howard
Grief "the principle of 'acquired legal rights' which, as applied to the
Jewish people, means that the rights they acquired or were recognized as
belonging to them when Palestine was legally recognized by 52 nations as the
Jewish National Home [as a prelude to a reconstituted Jewish State] are not
affected by the termination of the treaty or the acts of international law
which were the source of those rights. This principle already existed when the
Anglo--American Convention came to an end simultaneously with the termination
of the Mandate for Palestine on May 14--15, 1948. It
has since been codified in Article 70(1)(b) of the 1969 Vienna Convention on
the Law of Treaties. This principle of international law would apply even if
one of the parties to the treaty failed to perform the obligations imposed
on it, as was the case with the British government in regard to the
Mandate for Palestine . The reverse side of the
principle of acquired legal rights is the doctrine of estoppel which is
also of great importance in preserving Jewish national rights. This doctrine
prohibits any state from denying what
it previously admitted or recognized in a treaty
or other 17 international agreement. In the Convention of 1924, the United States recognized all the rights
recognized as belonging to the Jewish people under the Mandate, in particular
the right of Jewish settlement anywhere in Palestine or the Land of Israel . Therefore the US government is legally
estopped today from denying the right of Jews in Israel to establish settlements
in Judea , Samaria and Gaza , which have been approved
by the
government
of Israel ." [23] Article 80 is
in UN Chapter XII that gives the UN the authority to establish and administer
trust territories. That is pertinent because Israel once was a
"mandate". The UN calls them "trusteeships".
"Mandate" is what the League of Nations , the UN's predecessor in
world government called an area placed in trust until it was capable of
self government. Recognition of this political or national right was saved
by Jews concerned about the rights under the British Mandate for Palestine when the UN was given
authority to deal with trusteeships as the Mandate was a trusteeship
under the League of Nations name. [24] The Paris Peace Talks and the
decision at San Remo To understand the San
Remo Agreement we must go back in time to WWI when the Turkish Ottoman
Empire entered the War on the side of Germany .
After the Paris Peace talks that were held
commencing January 4th, 1919 the Principals determined
to establish a world government to maintain peace to be entitled The League of Nations . Its Covenant or charter
was Part One of the Treaty of Versailles. The participants to the Paris
Peace talks included the Principal War Powers and European claimants primarily interested
in territories in Europe . Even before the end of the war, in November,
1917 the Lord Balfour Policy had been established as British policy that World
Jewry would be the beneficiary of the trust of the “political” or “national
rights” to Palestine . These are the rights
that entitle political self-- determination. Both Arabs and Jews interested in
territories in the Middle East were also present at the Peace Talks in Paris and submitted their
claims there. The Arabs claims were made under the auspices of King Ibn
Hussayn, however they were presented by Lawrence of Arabia and also through
George Antonius. Antonius brought up Arab and French claims conflicting with
the Balfour Declaration, notably claims based on the Hussayn--McMahon
correspondence and the secret Sykes--Picot Agreement. Antonius had made a
careful study of these and his arguments initially seemed quite 19 convincing
that the British had sold the same horse three times. The Zionist
Organization made the following claim for a two--step process in which the
territory would first become a Jewish National Home and then would become a
reconstituted Jewish state. "Palestine shall be placed under such
political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment there of the
Jewish National Home and ultimately render possible the creation of an
autonomous Commonwealth, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be
done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non--
Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by
Jews in any other country. [emphasis added] To this end the Mandatory
Power shall inter alia: Promote Jewish immigration and close settlement
on
the land, the established rights of the present
non--Jewish population being equitably safeguarded. Accept the
cooperation in such measures of a Council
representative of the Jews of Palestine and of the world that may be
established for the development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine
and entrust the organization of Jewish education to such Council On being
satisfied that the constitution of such Council precludes the making of private
profit, offer to the Council in priority any concession for public works or for
the development of natural resources that it may be 20 found desirable to
grant. The Mandatory Power shall encourage the
widest measure of self--‐government for localities practicable in the
conditions of the country There shall be forever the fullest freedom of
religious worship for all creeds in Palestine . There shall be no discrimination
among the inhabitants with regard to citizenship and civil rights, on the
grounds of religion, or of race" [25] What the Zionist organization was
asking for in Paris in 1919 was
essentially
the already decided British policy in the 1917 Balfour Declaration that the
Principal War Powers later adopted at San Remo in 1920: That the Jews
wanted essentially a protectorate that would ultimately transition into a
reconstituted state was well known as even the small Jewish population in Palestine did not believe it was
ready to exercise sovereignty.
As
reported in the Voltaire Network, a somewhat anti-- semitic news network, of
the three things the Jewish People wanted, one was "the establishment
of a Jewish National Home in Palestine as a prelude to a
reconstituted Jewish state". [emphasis added] [26] The Principal War
Powers were able to complete their review and implement its action on
the claims over European territories in the Paris Peace Talks. The written
decision is within part II of the Treaty of Versailles.
They
needed to extend their deliberations to decide on the claims on what had been
Ottoman territory in the Middle East .
To do just that, they met again in San Remo , Italy in April, 1920 and dealt
with the Arab and Jewish claims on April
24th and 25th. At the end of that meeting, the
claims were res judicata. The WWI Principal War Powers decided to
recognize
the then current Arab inhabitants of Syria and Mesopotamia as the beneficial owners
of the political powers for those countries but adopt the British Balfour
policy and recognize World Jewry as the beneficial owner of the
political rights to Palestine . Three documents recorded
the decision of the Principal War Powers on Palestine : the Treaty of
Sevres, the Treaty of Lausanne, and the San Remo Resolution. Article 95 of
the Treaty of Sevres was confirmed by the later Treaty of Lausanne as by that
time the cession — transfer of sovereignty to the mandatory power, a formal
giving up of rights, especially by a state — in Asia was a fait accompli and
Articles 16 and 30 of the latter treaty left Turkey 's relinquishment
of
its sovereignty over territories in Asia unchanged. The San Remo
Resolution was also a writing that incorporated the decision of the
Principal War Powers on those competing claims to Palestine adopting the Balfour
Declaration in terms that were left to be further spelled out in the
Mandate for Palestine . But the British Balfour
Policy, while recognizing the Jews ownership of the political rights to Palestine , did not want them to
exercise sovereignty immediately. Nor did the Jews want to do so. That is
because as of 1917 when the Balfour Policy was being considered by the British,
the 22 Jews in all of Palestine were only 60,000
population out of a total population of 600,000 as estimated by the British
Foreign Office (BFO). As long ago as 1845, the Jews had had a plurality of
the population of Jerusalem and in 1863 a majority of
the population there. But in all of Palestine , as of 1917, the BFO
estimated Jewish population at only 10% of the total. Critics of the
Balfour Policy had argued that a government ruled by a "people" that
was only a 10% minority would be "antidemocratic". The British
Foreign Office (“BFO”) countered this argument by saying that even though Britain agreed
with the "antidemocratic" argument in principle, as applied to the
proposed Balfour policy the argument was "imaginary". In a
memorandum of September 19, 1917 , Arnold Toynbee and Lewis
Namier, speaking for the BFO, said that the political rights would
initially be placed in trust — the trustee likely being England or the United States .
The trustee would have legal dominion over the
political rights and although the Jews would have a beneficial
interest, the legal interest would not vest until such time as the Jews
had attained a majority population in Palestine and were as fully capable of
exercising sovereignty as a modern European state. Their decision was later
incorporated in article 95 of the treaty of Sevres by a cession of Ottoman
sovereignty over Palestine to that trustee, incorporated in the San
Remo Resolution and to be defined in greater detail in the Mandate for
Palestine.[27] 23 This same recommendation for a two step process was
incorporated in the discussion in the Briefing Document of
the U.S. Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, in
1919. "3. It is recommended that the Jews be invited to return to
Palestine and settle there, being assured by the
Conference of all proper assistance in so doing that may be consistent
with the protection of the personal (especially the religious) and the
property rights of the non--‐Jewish population, and being further assured that
it will be the policy of the League of Nations to recognize Palestine as
a Jewish state as soon as it is a Jewish state in fact. "It is right
that Palestine should become a Jewish
state, if the Jews, being
given the full opportunity, make it such. It was
the cradle and home of their vital race, which has made large spiritual
contribution
to mankind, and is the only land in which they can hope to find a home of their
own; they being in this last respect unique among significant peoples.
"At present, however, the Jews form barely a sixth of the total population
of 700,000 in Palestine , and whether they are to
form a majority, or even a plurality, of the population in the future
state remains uncertain. Palestine , in short, is far from
being a Jewish country now. England , as mandatory, can be
relied on to give the Jews the privileged position they should have without
sacrificing the rights of non--Jews." [Note #12, p. 113.] 24 Woodrow
Wilson had stated in 1919 "I am persuaded that the Allied nations, with
the fullest concurrence of our own government and people, are agreed that
in Palestine shall be laid the foundations
of a Jewish Commonwealth." A Mandate is a trust The term
"Mandate" applied in this context is confusing. It seems to mean
an "order". But construed in the light of Article 22 of the
Covenant or Charter of the League of Nations, it is clear that in the case
of Mandates created as envisioned by Article 22 of the League Covenant or
charter, such as the Mandates for Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia, it
means a device which was created under the British legal concepts of trusts
and guardianships.
This
was the conclusion in May of 1921, about one year after San Remo , by a British barrister
and member of the NY bar Duncan Campbell Lee in his lecture at University College , London University entitled "The
Mandate for Mespotamia and the Principle of Trusteeship in English
Law." [Note #24] If the Mandate is a trust, what is the trust res, the
thing placed in trust? It must be the political or national rights to Palestine . The most important
question is "Who is the beneficiary of the trust? All who have looked
at the trust and compared it with trusts for Syria and Mesopotamia have concluded that it
is World Jewry. Compare it yourself with the Mandate for Syria and the Mandate for Mesopotamia . For the latter,
"This Organic 25 law shall be formed in agreement with the
native authorities and shall take into account the rights, interests and wishes
of all the Population inhabiting the mandated territory, (Article 1 of the
Mandate for Syria and The Lebanon)
For Mesopotamia , now Iraq , the mandate provided:
This Organic law shall be framed in consultation
with the native authorities and shall take into account the rights, interests
and wishes of all the population of the mandated territory.
(Article
1 of the Mespotamia [Iraq ] Mandate. [emphasis added]
However
in the Palestine Mandate,
Article 2 says "The
Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political,
administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the
Jewish national home as laid down in the preamble and the establishment of self
governing institutions"
[emphasis
added].
And
the preamble states:
"Whereas the
Principle Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be
responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November
2, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty [The Balfour Declaration]
and adopted by the said Powers in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a
national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing
should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of the
non--Jewish communities in Palestine ... and Whereas recognition has thereby
been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and
to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country;
..."
Compare
the Mandates
It
seems clear that in the other mandates, the rights, interests and wishes of the
then current inhabitants are to be taken into account but in Palestine Mandate
they were ignored in favor of a Jewish National Home in which solely the advice
of the Zionist Organization was to be taken into account (Mandate Article 4).
In
the Palestine Mandate only Jewish immigration was expressly required to be
facilitated with the result that eventually a Jewish population majority would
have been attained.
(Mandate article 6)
It
therefore appears that the Jewish National Home was a beneficial interest in
the political rights to Palestine , to mature into a later
legal interest in those rights and sovereignty for them.
However
for the non Jews in the existing population, it provided only protection for
their civil and religious rights after Jewish sovereignty was achieved.
It
is Jewish immigration alone that must be facilitated.
It
is the Zionist Organization alone reflecting the rights, interests and wishes
of World Jewry that was the appointed advisor to the Administration set up by
the trustee to administer the Mandate.
Balfour
resigned as foreign secretary following the Paris Conference in 1919, but
continued in the Cabinet as lord president of the council.
In
a memorandum of August 11, 1919 addressed to new Foreign
Secretary Lord Curzon, he stated ..."All of the other engagements
contained pledges that the Arab or Muslim populations could establish national
governments of their own choosing according to the principle of
self--determination.
Balfour explained:
"...in
Palestine we do not propose to even
go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present (majority)
inhabitants of the country ..."Balfour stated explicitly to Curzon:
"The
Four Great Powers [Britain , France, Italy and the United States ] are committed to
Zionism.
And
Zionism, be it right or wrong, good or bad, is rooted in age--long traditions,
in present needs, and future hopes, of far profounder import than the desires
and prejudices of the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land.
In
my opinion that is right."
*****
He
continued:
"I
do not think that Zionism will hurt the Arabs, but they will never say they
want it.
Whatever
be the future of Palestine it is not now an
'independent nation', nor is it yet on the way to become one.
Whatever
deference should be paid to the views of those living there, the Powers in
their selection of a mandatory do not propose, as I understand the matter, to
consult them."..."If Zionism is to influence the Jewish problem
throughout the world, Palestine must be made available
for the largest number of Jewish immigrants"[28]
Was
the League
of Nations creator or settler of the trust?
No
it was the Principal Allied Powers who met at 28
It
is they who by winning the war had the authority to dispose of the territories
as they saw fit.
It is also those Powers, not the League who accepted
Britain 's offer to serve as
Mandatory Power or Trustee at San Remo . A Trustee has
fiduciary obligations Britain 's offer and the Principal
Allied Power's acceptance of
parties
agreed the Mandate would become effective. This raises a question
on whether Britain violated its fiduciary
responsibilities when it eliminated from the political rights being placed
in trust those pertaining to Eastern Palestine .
What was the role of the League of Nations ? Balfour saw it only as
the instrument to carry out this policy. Balfour, on presenting the
Mandate to the League of Nations stated: "Remember that a mandate is a
self--‐imposed limitation by the conquerors on the sovereignty which
they obtained over conquered territories. It is imposed by 29 the Allied
and Associated Powers on themselves in the interests of what they
conceived to be the general welfare of mankind...." "The League of Nations is not the author of
the policy, but its instrument.... ". Britain 's role was that of
the Mandatory or trustee. But the conquerors, the Principal Allied Powers,
did not give the political rights to World Jewry as a gift. The political
rights were recognized as belonging to the Jews because of the long
"historical connection of the Jewish People with Palestine " a history extending
over some 3,700 years with a continuous presence of Jews during all that
time. Article 95, Treaty of
Sevres —was it legally effective? The Turks had
regrouped and fought the Allies again over territories in Europe . So the Treaty of Sevres
which also covered those areas was never ratified by Turkey but was superseded by
the Treaty of Lausanne. By that time the decisions pertaining to the Middle East were a fait
accompli. By not changing things the Treaty of Lausanne, in Article 16
and 30 ratified Article 95 of the treaty of Sevres that was the ruling of
the
Principal War Powers on the competing claims of
the Arabs and Jews. That ended any claim of the Ottomans and left its
status up to the other parties concerned. Article 95 had ceded Ottoman
sovereignty over Palestine to the
Mandatory Power in trust for the Jews. Nota bene
that the Mandates for Syria and Mesopotamia were also established in
that treaty. The Syrian Mandate was subsequently divided 30 into two, a
Syrian Mandate into which the
Muslims were to be located, and Lebanon for the Christians. The
British truncated the Jewish Political Rights But an interesting thing
happened between the time of the meeting in San Remo and the confirmation of
the League Mandate for Palestine . The language of the
Mandate was changed to deal differently with Palestine east of the Jordan River known as "trans-Jordan' in
contrast to cis-Jordan that referred to Palestine west of the Jordan , between the Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea . An Article 25 had been
inserted in paragraph 25 of the later 1922 draft, as it was presented to
the League by Britain . Britain had on April 25, 1920 agreed to assume the responsibilities of a
fiduciary. The later draft provided for temporarily suspending Jewish
settlement in trans-Jordan. How did this come
about? King Hussayn who was then ruler in the Hedjaz in the Arabian Peninsula had four sons. Believing
that his agreement with the British resulting from his correspondence
with
McMahon would give him a wide area covering Syria and Mesopotamia (now Iraq ) as well as the Arabian peninsula , he told his son Feisal
that he would rule in Syria and Abdullah to my
recollection in Iraq . The third son
would
inherit Hussayn's throne and the fourth one was
not interested in positions of power. In the secret Sykes--Picot
agreement, the Governments of Europe split 31 up the former
Ottoman territory into spheres of influence. England was to get Palestine and Mesopotamia (now Iraq ), and France would get Syria . Immediately after
the war, England had placed Feisal on the
throne in Syria . When he asserted
independence, France was offended and after
the Battle of Maysalun, it deposed Feisal. Abdullah, who was very warlike,
marched his army into transJordan and made ready to attack Damascus . Churchill did not want
the Arabs to war against the French so he gave the throne of Iraq to Feisal. The story
can be filled in from the Diary of Sir Alec Kirkbride, one of three
British officers who were told after WWI to set up governments in
transJordan. After he had set up a government Kirkbride was warned that
Abdullah was marching his army toward his area and wired the British
headquarters in Jerusalem . They wired back telling
Kirkbride to ignore the warning as Abdullah would never invade a territory
being ruled by His Majesty's
government. When Abdullah did, in fact, show up,
Kirkbride had only a few policeman to help him and wisely decided not to
fight. He wired Jerusalem once again and this time
His Majesty's government, decided that it was a fait accompli. At a
meeting in Cairo on March 21, 1921 Churchill decided the best way out of this
problem was to limit the political rights of the Jews to Palestine west of the Jordan . Kirkbride then chuckles
over the "remarkable
discovery" made by the government that the
framers of the Balfour policy never really wanted to give all of Palestine to World Jewry for its
Jewish National Home. Why then did the Toynbee--32 Namier
memorandum predating the Balfour Declaration assume that the 600,000 total
population of all of Palestine would be under Jewish
rule but for putting the political rights in trust? [29] As for the
Hussayn--McMahon correspondence, George Antonius claimed that the British had promised
King Ibn Hussayn the rule of Syria, and Palestine as well as the Arabian
Peninsula if he got the Arab tribesmen to revolt against the
Ottomans. But as shown by Isaiah Friedman, Hussayn
had told McMahon that he would get some 258,000 fighters to fight on
behalf of the British and at the most came up with about 5,000.[30] It appears
there was a failure of consideration for any promise McMahon had made. There
was a question on whether Hussayn was promised any
territory that his own fighters had not conquered.
And in fact in Syria and Palestine none of the Arabs fought
on the side of the British and many fought for the Ottomans. Finally assuming
these were not a problem there was a
dispute over the territory that Hussayn was
promised even though his fighters had conquered it. A line was drawn that
would eliminate territory to the west and south of the line as being an area that
should be under the control of others and Palestine was excluded and
according to the British,
Hussayn understood that Palestine was excluded. Moreover
the British also contended that the Hussayn--McMahon Correspondence had
never matured into a final agreement. 33 The change in the Mandate decided
after San Remo in March, 1921 was worded only to be a temporary suspension of
Jewish settlement in trans-Jordan but
trans-Jordan eventually matured into the country
of Jordan and was
eventually ceded to Abdullah and his Hashemite tribe even though Abdullah
and his Tribe was a "foreign power" from the Hedjaz of the Arabian Peninsula ,
expressly prohibited from receiving any of the
political rights in trust. This, the 1922 White Paper was the first
example of England breaking its obligations
to the Jews. It would do so again and again in the White Papers of 1930 and
1939 even after the confirmation of the Mandate by the League of Nations in July, 1922. Britain had volunteered at San Remo in April to be the mandatory
power or trustee of the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine .
As a trustee it owed the beneficial owner of the
trust res the obligations of a fiduciary. A fiduciary's obligation is to
prefer its beneficiary's interests over those of its own. Yet England in July, 1922 had
persuaded the League to
change
the terms of the trust the Principals had agreed to at San Remo , to solve Britain 's own political
difficulties with France . This cost the
beneficiary, World Jewry. some 40% of the territory extending east to the
Hejaz Railway that had initially been recognized by the Principal Allied Powers
as the area they wanted recognized as Jewish. Britain 's retreat from the
Balfour policy.
Through the meeting at San Remo , all the Principal War
Powers were very protective of the rights of World Jewry. When at San Remo , the French wanted to
amend the "savings clause" saving the "civil and religious
rights" of non Jewish communities when the Jews ultimately exercised
sovereignty in Palestine , to add "political
rights" the British and the other Principal War Powers declined to accept
the amendment. France was satisfied with a
"process verbal" a side agreement noted
in the minutes explaining that the savings clause meant that the non--Jews
would not have to surrender any of their rights. That was acceptable
to the others because all knew that the Arabs in Palestine had never exercised sovereignty
there. The only "people" in Palestine that had exercised self government
in Palestine was the Jews. After the
Churchill White Paper of
1922 diminished Jewish rights East of the Jordan River , Perfidious
Albion continued to abuse its position as Mandatory Power or trustee in
the British Passfield White Paper of 1930 and the MacDonald White Paper of
1939. In
1939 it adopted a British White paper blocking
further Jewish immigration into Palestine West of the Jordan at the request of the
Arabs. It did this despite an express requirement of the Mandate or trust that
the trustee should "facilitate" Jewish immigration" into Palestine so that the Jews
would ultimately become the majority population and the Jewish National
Home could change into a reconstituted Jewish state. The 1939 White Paper would
freeze
Jewish population at about a one third minority. It contemplated a grant
of self government to 35 the population of Palestine in 1949 but with Jewish
immigration blocked, there would still be an Arab majority. Many of those
who had participated in the original deliberations on the Balfour policy that
had been adopted at San Remo strongly objected. David
Lloyd-- George who had been the Prime Minister of England then, characterized
this action as "an act of national perfidy which will bring dishonor
to the British name."
Winston
Churchill, in the House of Commons, condemned the Paper as "plainly a
breach and repudiation of the Balfour Declaration" and he referred to it
as "another Munich " (Neville
Chamberlain was Prime Minister in 1939).
Harry Truman, then a U.S. Senator also criticized
the 1939 White Paper as a "repudiation of British obligations"
and President Franklin Roosevelt expressed his "dismay [at] the decisions
of the British Government regarding its Palestine Policy". That 1939 White
Paper even blocked the sale of property in Palestine to the Jews. The
MacDonald 1939 White Paper was Illegal But even more importantly, the League of
Nations Permanent Mandates Commission whose duty it was to oversee the
Mandatories appointed by the League, was unanimous that the interpretation
on which the 1939 36 White Paper was based was inconsistent with the
interpretation previously placed on it by the Mandatory. That Commission, by a
majority, ruled that the
interpretation was inconsistent with the express
obligations of the Mandate, i.e. to facilitate Jewish immigration into Palestine so that the Jews would become
a majority and could become a reconstituted Jewish State. Under the
terms of the 1939 White Paper a single Arab
majority state was contemplated by 1949, completely abandoning the
objective of the Balfour Agreement. This was a unilateral measure without the
prior consent of the Council of the
Nevertheless
the British, for the next ten years from 1939 until May, 1948 viciously
enforced an illegal blockade preventing Jews from fleeing death in Nazi
extermination camps and later blocking Holocaust survivors from
reaching sanctuary in Israel even though the blockade
had been determined to be illegal by the Permanent Mandates Commission
authorized to make that determination. Its enforcement contributed to the death
of some six million
Jews who were trying to flee from the European
Holocaust. It lasted, because of the obsessed Ernest Bevin, even after the
war, blocking Holocaust survivors from entering a place where they 37 could
received help from others of their people.[31] [32] In 1947 the British
after seeking monetary and military aid from the United States that was denied,
announced its proposed abandonment in 1948 of its trusteeship that it said it
could no longer afford. The UN, had replaced the League of Nations as world government, and
this new world government included the United States as a member. It had as
Article 80 of its Charter, preserved the recognition by its 51--‐state
membership of the Jews ownership of the political rights to Palestine , now reduced to Palestine west of the Jordan River . The UN formed a
special committee to determine what should be done, because of the threatened
violence of the Arabs. [33] The UN Partition Recommendation The UN General
Assembly,
after the Special Committee completed its deliberations, enacted
a resolution, Resolution 181 [34] recommending that Palestine West of the Jordan
should be divided into Arab and Jewish states and a Corpus
Separatum encompassing Jerusalem and surrounding religious holy sites.
Such a recommendation is of no continuing force and effect unless both parties
to it accept the recommendation. One party, the Jews, did. They were willing
to give up much of their political rights in exchange for an end to the
threats of violence and so they could aid in the immigration of Holocaust
survivors.
The Secretary General of the Arab League had
threatened war. He said: "This war will be a war of extermination and
a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongol massacre and the
Crusades." The Arabs declined to accept the compromise and went to
war. The Arab warfare was initially conducted by Arabs local to Palestine but was soon joined by
seven armies of surrounding Arab States. Some 450,000 to 700,000 Arabs fled
without seeing
a single Jewish soldier although a few at Ramle
and Lydda were removed by the Jewish forces because after agreeing to an
armistice they had resumed fighting and the Jews did not want them in back of
their lines. As to almost all the rest, the rich left first, followed by many
more at the urging of the Arab Higher Committee who asked them to get out
of the way of the invading armies. It predicted the defeat of the Jews in some
two weeks and assured them that the Arabs could then return. Mahmoud Abbas (Abu
Mazen) wrote an article in the official organ of the PLO,
"Filastin", complaining of this, and that when the Arab armies lost,
the refugees were imprisoned in camps in the neighboring Arab states [35].
Hazam Nusseibeh, who worked for the
Palestine Broadcasting Service in 1948, admitted
being told by Hussein Khalidi, a Palestinian Arab leader, to fabricate the
atrocity claims. Abu Mahmud, a Deir Yassin resident in 1948 told Khalidi
"there was no rape," but Khalidi replied, "We have to say this,
so the Arab armies will come to
liberate Palestine from the Jews."
Nusseibeh told the BBC 50 years later, "This was our biggest mistake.
We did not realize how our people would react. As soon as they heard that women
had been raped at Deir Yassin, Palestinians
fled in terror." [36] This massacre rumor was
also a major contributing factor in the exodus of Arabs from Palestine . Those who fled were not
invited back by the Jews who won. No peace treaty was signed until many years
later and the Jews did not want to have a Fifth Column in their midst. The
treaties that were signed with Egypt did not reestablish
normal relations. It has been a cold peace. The peace with Jordan has perhaps been a little
better. In the
1948 War the Jews weren't 100% successful in
repelling the invasion of the surrounding Arab armies. Jordan , at the time, had for its
armed forces The Arab Legion, supplied by the British and led by British
Officers. At the same
time
the Jews were subject to an arms embargo. The Arab Legion was therefore
successful in invading westward from Jordan , to and including East Jerusalem . The Egyptian forces
moved north and got as far as the Gaza strip.
Under International Law this territory, having
been won in an aggressive war, the capture of this land did not gain the
invaders the political rights to it. Only Britain and Pakistan recognized Jordan as holding sovereignty
over it. Israeli liberation of Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem In
1967, once again Arabs threatened to annihilate the Jews. Egypt
blocked
Israeli shipping through the Straits of Tiran and massed tanks and troops
on its border with Israel . It ordered the UN buffer
force, established in 1956, to leave and the UN buffer forces left without even
seeking UN approval.
In
1967 Nasser threatened annihilation of the Jews or driving them into the
sea.
CONCLUSION
The
Mandate system was designed to help states that had been subject
to Ottoman occupation for 400 years, to become independent after they
learned democratic principles, formed political parties and were able to
self govern.
An exception was the Mandate for Israel where the Jewish People
who had been driven out of Palestine and dispersed by the
Romans, were recognized as the owners of the political rights. There the
tacit standard for ending the
Mandate was the attainment of a Jewish population
majority in the area they were to govern and their capability to exercise
sovereignty. [41 --43] Before enacting the Partition Resolution of 1947,
the UN in effect found the Jews were capable of exercising sovereignty.
The resolution itself was only a failed recommendation and the partition
had no continuing force and effect. When the trustee, Britain , abandoned its trust in
May, 1948, the beneficiary of the trust, World Jewry, was the logical
entity to get legal dominion of the political rights that theretofore had been
held in trust. Had the UN thought the Jews were still incapable of the
exercise of sovereignty, in 1948 they would have appointed another
trustee. In any event, just three years later, by 1950 the Jews had
attained a majority of the population of the area within the Armistice line.
Politics and the Jewish political rights to Palestine Under the left wing Labor
government, Israel has never directly
made
a claim under the political or national rights that its principal,
World Jewry, had under International Law that had been recognized, first
by the Principal War Powers, and then by states. Even with the change of
Paragraph 25 suspending the right to settle East Palestine, there remained for
World Jewry a right to Palestine west of the Jordan approved by the 51
countries in the League of Nations and by the US, who had declined
membership — a total of 52 countries. But the thrust of the Labor
Government claim was not the San Remo Agreement but under facts occurring
in 1948 and thereafter. The Israeli Government said that Jordan 's aggression in 1948
resulted in Jordan never obtaining sovereignty over Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem . So when in 1967 in
a defensive war, it drove the Jordanians out of that area, it was
thereafter not engaged in a belligerent occupation. Jordan was not a legitimate
sovereign but was illegally occupying an area that was disputed and in
which the Jews had the better claim. The Government of Israel
never directly made the claim based on the competing Arab and Jewish
claims made at the Paris Peace talks and the disposition of them in the
Treaty of Sevres, the San Remo Resolution and the Mandate for Palestine . It only hinted at
it.
Now, Douglas Feith, Jacques Gauthier, Howard
Grief, Salomon Benzimra, Cynthia Wallace, former Israel Supreme Court
Justice Levy and his two distinguished colleagues, Alan Baker, Tshia
Shapira, the late Julius Sone and I are directly making that claim. By now
it should be perfectly clear that the claim is not based on the UN General
Assembly partition resolution of 1947, nor is it based only on facts
occurring in 1948 and thereafter. It is based on facts commencing as early
as 1917 when the British adopted its Balfour policy and it became
International Law on the agreement of the Principal War Powers at San Remo in 1920 after consideration
of both the claims of the Arabs and that of the Jews to the political or
national rights to Palestine . It was confirmed by
the League's action on at least Palestine West of the Jordan
River by the 51 nations that were its members. It
is based on the presentation of the competing claims of the Arabs and Jews
submitted to the Principal War Powers at the Paris 43 Peace Conference and the
adjudication and ruling on those claims at San Remo in detail in the order
that was called the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine . It is based on the legal
doctrines of "acquired rights" and "estoppel" that
prohibits any state from denying what it previously admitted or recognized
in a treaty or other international agreement. It is based on Article 80 of
the UN Charter that preserves political rights that had been
recognized
by the United States and Principal Allied
Powers in the 1920s.
While Chaim Weizmann and some of the Zionist
Organization had been willing to give up those rights, many had never
agreed to it and split off into another organization headed by Jabotinsky.
Even despite accepting the later loss of transJordan, Chaim Weizmann,
instrumental in obtaining the Balfour Declaration, was delighted with what
was left. Gauthier has paraphrased[37] Weizmann's reactions to the San Remo decision, which gave Jews
their rights under international law: "This is the most momentous
political event in the whole history of the Zionist movement, and it's no
exaggeration to say, in the
whole history of our people since the Exile."
What importance do the Arabs place on the Balfour Declaration? A reviewer
of "The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for
Statehood" [38] a book by Columbia Professor Rashid Khalidi who
formerly was a spokesman for the PLO, says "Khalidi has his own set
of external culprits, beyond the blame he is willing to accept for the
Arabs for the nabka or catastrophe as they call
it." The very first of the three listed is "British colonial 44
masters like Lord Balfour, who refused to recognize the national
[political] rights of non--Jews; ..." [39] What then is the rule under
International Law? It is "There is no legal claim to national
self--‐determination for Palestinian Arabs west of the Jordan River other than
as peaceful citizens in a democratic structure covering the area as a
whole." [40]
Part
II: Where There is a Tension Between the Right of a "People" to
Self-determination and the Right of a Sovereign State to Territorial
Integrity, the Right of the State is Paramount The Jewish People's State —
Eretz Yisrael.
International
Law on the question of the Jewish People's sovereignty over Palestine between the River Jordan
and the Sea can be summed up in two parts. This following summary was
prepared by the late Eugene Rostow, an acclaimed International Lawyer,
Dean of the Yale Law School and Under Secretary for
Political Affairs in the State Department in the Lyndon Johnson Administration.
It was written in 1991, just after the OSLO Agreement was
signed.
[Part
1.] "The 1920 mandate [for Palestine ] implicitly denies Arab
claims to national political rights in the area in favor of the Jews; the
mandated territory was in effect reserved to the Jewish people for their
self-determination and political development, in acknowledgment of the
historic connection of the Jewish people to the land.
[Part 2.] There remains simply the theory that the
Arab inhabitants of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have
an inherent "natural law" claim to the area. Neither customary
international law nor the United Nations Charter acknowledges that every group
of people claiming to be a nation has the right to a state of its own."
Eugene Rostow, The Future of Palestine, Institute for Strategic Studies,
November 1993, [bracketed numbers added] I found the foregoing summary
after I had completed my own research and had written a more detailed version.
The only difference between Rostow's view and mine is that I sprinkled a little
equity jurisprudence in mine making it a little easier to understand. The law
of trusts is incorporated in the body of equity jurisprudence and helps explain
Part I. The Palestine Mandate was in effect a trust agreement in which Britain held in trust the
political rights recognized in 1920 to belong to the Jewish People. It
therefore had legal dominion over them so long as it was trustee — see below.
The Jewish people owned only a beneficial interest in these political rights
when Britain was trustee. It was not
until 1950 that the World Jewry met the tacit standards for vesting of the
trust res. They met those standards by attaining a population majority in the
defined territory (inside an Armistice boundary) that was under their rule, and
by having the capability of exercising sovereignty by their unified
control over the population inside that boundary and control over their
borders. The standards for exercising sovereignty were restated in 1933 in the
Montivideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States. Now that 20 years
have gone by and the "peace talks" and renunciation of violence
have been proven to be a charade, it is time to contemplate what will come
next. One alternative that hasn't been given a forum is a one lawful Jewish
majority state from the River to the Sea. But two myths need correcting
and a chimera must be dispelled. One myth is that Jewish sovereignty had its
roots in the 1947 UNGA Partition Resolution 181 and success in battle in 1948,
but does not include Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem that were liberated in
1967. A history lost in the sands of time shows the roots of the Jewish
People's sovereignty was actually in 1920, not 1947. It is outlined in the San
Remo Resolution -- word for word the Balfour Declaration — and detailed in the
Palestine Mandate. This beneficial interest, awaiting a Jewish population
majority in the area to be ruled, and Jewish capability to exercise
sovereignty, was recognized by 53 states in 1922. One of those was the United States . These political rights
vested in the Jewish People in 1950 without any fanfare. The second myth
is that the "Palestinian People" is a real rather than an invented
"people" and that they want a right to self determination under
International Law. This is also not correct. Part II corrects this myth.
I wrote two articles on these questions that were published by the Think-Israel
blog under a non-exclusive license. They are entitled Soviet Russia, the
Creators of the PLO and the Palestinian People ( http://www.think-israel.org/brand.russiatheenemy.html
).
:
"Was there a Palestine Arab National Movement at the End of the Ottoman
Period?" ( http://www.think-Israel.org/brand.palnationalism.html ). The
view that a single Jewish state from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea would involve giving up
on a majority of Jewish citizenry in Israel is only a chimera.
Annexation of Judea and Samaria would lower the existing Jewish population
majority from 80% to only 66% -- as found by former Ambassador Yoram Ettinger
based on a study of the Begin-Sadat Center, but that much only if every Arab in
those territories swore fealty to the Jewish State to obtain citizenship. He
also said that the Jewish birthrate is
significantly greater than the Arab birthrate and is supplemented by
significant Jewish immigration from the Diaspora. If it becomes necessary to
retake Gaza , that territory could be given internal
autonomy (like Home Rule) until the Jewish majority in the entire area grows
such that adding Gaza would not jeopardize a
Jewish population majority. Internal autonomy is much like the current
proposals of Netanyahu to the Palestinian Authority.
Palestinian
Self-Determination under natural law and International Law In President
Obama's recent trip to Israel, he told the students there [having excluded
students from outside the Green Line] that the Palestinian People had an
inalienable right to self-determination. But he also repeated to
Americans many times that if they liked their health care policies, under Obama-Care
they could keep them. Neither is correct. The UN General Assembly made the same
error on Palestinian self-determination in its Resolution 3236. This
might be true under natural law, but is it the rule under International
Law? Does every "people" have a unilateral right to self-determination
under International Law? Not the Kurds, nor the Basques. If not, why should the
Arab people living in Palestine have that right?
Many believe that Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points speech in 1918 was the
first mention of a right of self-- determination of a people since the
time of John Locke. But Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points speech focused on
three colonies of Turkey , namely Syria , Mesopotamia and Palestine . It was aimed at their
decolonization. It was not meant to deal with open ended secession. Only 53
years before, the United States had suffered combat
casualties of 215,000 and total casualties of 625,000 in the American
Civil War in denying to the Southern Confederacy the right of secession. The
American Revolutionary War, on the other hand, was a war to obtain American
self--determination by decolonization. So American history itself supports
self-determination obtained by decolonization but not when sought by secession
where the territorial integrity of a sovereign state is at issue. Territorial
integrity of the sovereign state had been the mainstay of the new world order
established after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. It is considered inviolable.
Under the current rule of International Law "Without the consent of the
existing state, the international community will not recognize
secessionist territories as sovereign and independent States.
*
* * There is no general right of secession in international law. The
principle of sovereign equality of States includes the recognition that the
territorial integrity of the State is 'inviolable'." Wheatley, Democracy,
Minorities and International Law. [emphasis added] And there is an
existing Jewish People's state whether or not the Government of Israel adopts
the Levy Report and annexes Judea and Samaria - as I discuss
below. Franklin Roosevelt's and Winston Churchill's wartime discussion of the
subject of political self-determination, framed on a battleship in the Atlantic Ocean appeared to be open
ended. It was stated as natural law in the 1941 "Atlantic Charter."
But when the right of self-determination is open ended, there will be a tension
between that right of self-determination of "peoples" with the right
of territorial integrity of sovereign states except when the right of
self-determination of peoples can be met by a decolonization. A decolonization
can be carried out without affecting the boundaries of a state. The first
evolution of this natural law on the "god given" inalienable right of
self- determination into International Law was its mention in the UN
Charter adopted in June, 1945 in Article 1 49 Section 2 provides as one
purpose: "To develop friendly relations among nations based on
respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of
peoples..." But Article 2 (1) preserved the territorial integrity of
the sovereign state: "The [UN] Organization is based on the principle of
the sovereign equality of all its Members." The next mention of the
right of self-determination clearly focused on decolonization. Declaration on
the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples Adopted by
General Assembly resolution 1514 of 14
December 1960 provided "2. All peoples have the right to
self-determination. . . ." The next two International Conventions
were not clearly focused on decolonization but did certainly retain the rights
of territorial integrity of the sovereign state. These were enacted in 1966 to
become effective in 1976. They were The International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, and The International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
Article 1.1. in each, provides: "All peoples have the right of
self-determination." But each covenant also reserves the territorial
integrity of the sovereign state. Article 1.3. of each provides: "The
States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility
for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories , shall promote the
realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that
right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
[emphasis added] The Charter requires sovereign equality and hence the
inviolability of territorial integrity. In 1970, the UN General Assembly
spoke again on self determination in the Declaration On Principles Of
International Law Concerning Friendly Relations And Co-Operation Among
States In Accordance With The Charter Of The United Nations. This provided:
"By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self determination of
peoples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all peoples have the
right freely to determine, without external interference, their political status
. . ." But it also said: " Every State shall refrain from any action
aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and territorial
integrity of any other State or country." [emphasis added] The most
serious problem facing Israel today is the split in
unity of its people. That split is being fostered by the current action
of the United States on the question of Arab
self-determination in Palestine west of the Jordan River . Under International Law,
the clear rule is that International Law supports the self-determination of a
"people" when it can be attained without affecting the boundary
of a sovereign state as is the case in a decolonization. Political scientists,
philosophers and those in the discipline of public administration have been
suggesting that the right of self-determination should be available
unilaterally even under secession. The theory attracting the most
followers appears to be that of Allen Buchanan a philosopher at the University of Wisconsin . He would preserve the
strong priority of territorial integrity of sovereign states over the right of
a people to self-determination but permit secession only as a remedy of last resort
for a "people" when a majority in a state is badly oppressing a
minority with the threat of genocide or cultural extinction. See: Buchanan, The
International Institutional Dimension of Secession in Lehning, Theories of
Secession at pp. 241-247, justifying the need for a priority for territorial
integrity. Other non-lawyers would not even require that an entire
"people" want to secede but would permit it for any cohesive
group nor would they require it to be a last resort. They do require that it be
fair to the minority in the territory removed as well as not removing anything
vital to the continued existence of those in the remaining territory.
How
do these principles apply to the Arab-Israeli conflict? First, that conflict is
res judicata under International Law and has been since 1920. In 1919 the
Arab and Jewish People brought to the Paris Peace Talks their competing claims
for Palestine . King Hussein, the
initial representative of the Arab People, also claimed Syria (now Syria and Lebanon ) and Mesopotamia (now called Iraq ). The World Zionist
Organization sought only Palestine , asking only in effect
for what the British Balfour Declaration policy had promised them. That was recognition
initially of an equitable interest in the political rights to Palestine but when the Jews
attained a population majority in the area to be governed and had the
capability of exercising sovereignty, it was the intention to have the rights
vest so they could reconstitute a Jewish Commonwealth. Until that time the
British as trustees or mandatory, were to have legal dominion over these rights
with the authority in the mandate or trust agreement of legislation,
administration and adjudication. That was a precaution taken to avoid an
antidemocratic government according to a memo (9/17/1917 ) of the British Foreign Office written by Arnold
Toynbee and Lewis Namier. The same intention was noted in the briefing
documents the American diplomats carried with them to the Paris Peace Talks.
That the mandate was simply a trust agreement was early recognized by a
British barrister in 1921, Lee, The Mandate for Mesopotamia and the Principle of
Trusteeship in English Law, (1921) League of Nations Union, Forgotten Books
Critical Reprint Series (2012). The International Court of Justice later
followed the same view in its decision on Namibia "Legal Consequences for
States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South-West Africa)
Notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970) Advisory Opinion of 21
June 1971" some 50 years later. The mandatory or trustee was to
facilitate Jewish immigration. It was expected that Jewish immigration from the
Diaspora would take a long time to effect a majority Jewish population,
therefore the mandatory power was prohibited from ceding any of the land
to any foreign party in the interim. The mandatory or trustee was to
facilitate Jewish immigration. At the Paris Peace Talks in 1919 the focus was
on the European claimants of territories in Europe but when the Allies
reconvened in San Remo in April, 1920, they
recognized the Jewish People as the owners of the political rights to Palestine due to its long history
of association with that area. On April 25th they adopted the Balfour
Declaration word for word as their decision on the competing claims to Palestine of the Jewish People and
Arab people. They rejected a French proposal to amend the Balfour
Declaration to include "political rights" in the savings clause which
saved for the non-Jewish communities only their "civil" and
"religious rights". The Arab then current majority inhabitants of
Syria and Mesopotamia were awarded a beneficial
interest in the political rights to those territories and eventually became sovereigns
of those states. The Ottomans (Turkey ) ceded their sovereign
rights to Palestine in the Treaty of
Sevres to the Mandatory Power. That treaty was never ratified but in the later
Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey released any claim to these territories, the
disposition of which by that time as a British Mandate, was a fait accompli. In
1922 the 52 members of the League of Nations and the US had approved the terms
of the Palestine Mandate except for truncating the territory to the that part
of Palestine west of the Jordan River, reducing its area by about 60%. By 1950
the Jews had unified control and a population majority of the area they
governed within the Armistice Boundary (The Green Line) and Britain had abdicated its
responsibilities as trustee in 1948. In 1967 the Jews drove out Jordan and Egypt from the areas they were
illegally occupying based on their aggressive war in 1948. So-- do the
"Palestinian People" have the unilateral right , to secede from
the Jewish People's State? The Government of Israel, the agent of the Jewish
People has so far not asserted sovereignty over the territories of Judea and Samaria . This was likely because
the lawyers under the former labor government had held the Jews held the
land liberated in 1967 in "belligerent occupation". But they were
mistaken. That is because a belligerent occupier is one who has captured the
land from a legitimate sovereign. That is assumed in Article 43 of the 1907
Hague Convention: "Art. 43. The authority of the legitimate power having
in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the
measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order
and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in
the country." Jordan never gained sovereignty
over any land west of the Jordan River because it had captured
it in an aggressive war. No Arab state recognized Jordan as the sovereign of this
territory. In the whole world only two states recognized Jordan as sovereign over
territory in the West Bank because to do so would violate International Law
of long standing custom as well as the UN Charter.
Eretz Yisrael, the Jewish People's Sovereign State
The Government of Israel, the agent of World Jewry has asserted sovereignty
over East Jerusalem but not over Judea and Samaria . But those areas also
meet the tacit test of the Mandate for vesting of a legal interest in the
political rights to those territories. Israel has already asserted its
sovereignty over East Jerusalem . And whether the Government of Israel
asserts sovereignty or not, 1, The Jewish People have control over Judea and
Samaria subject only to the OSLO agreement — an agreement that neither Israel
nor its principal need continue to observe because of its material breach
by the Arabs, and 2. The Government of Israel has asserted sovereignty over East Jerusalem that the so called
Palestinians claim. That means that the Israel territorial boundaries
would have to be redrawn to accommodate the territory the Palestinian
Authority demands. Russia's Role Since 1950 the Soviet Union has sought
domination of the Middle East as a stepping stone to hegemony over
Western Europe according to the late Eugene Rostow, Dean of the Yale Law School
and Professor of International Law in Palestinian Self-
Determination:
Possible Futures for the Unallocated Territories of the Palestine Mandate
(1980) "For nearly thirty turbulent years, the Soviet Union has
sought control of this geo-political nerve center in order to bring Western Europe
into its sphere. Even if Soviet ambitions were confined to Europe , Soviet hegemony in the Middle East would profoundly
change the world balance of power. But Soviet control of the Middle East
would lead inevitably to further accretions of Soviet power if China, Japan,
and many smaller and more vulnerable countries should conclude that the United
States had lost the will or the capacity to defend its vital interests, .
. ."
*
* * "The exploitation of Arab hostility to the Balfour Declaration, the
Palestine Mandate, and the existence of Israel has been a major weapon in the
Soviet campaign to dominate the Middle East." * * * ". . .the Soviet
Union invited Arafat to Moscow, supported his appearance before the United
Nations in November, 1974, and increased its pressure for General Assembly
resolutions supporting claims of self-determination for the Palestinian Arabs
and denouncing Zionism as "racism'" Even if philosopher Allen
Buchanan's last resort theory instead of International Law were to be applied,
the only evidence of the people hood of the so called Palestinian People and
their claim to a desire for self-determination can be found in the preamble of
the 1964 Charter of the PLO drafted in Moscow and corroborated only by the
first 422 members of the Palestinian National Council, each hand-picked by the
KGB. In WWI the Palestinian Arabs were offered self-government if they fought
on the side of the Allies -- they didn't; some fought for the Ottomans.
In
1947 Count Folke Bernadotte found the Palestinian Arabs were not interested in
nationalism and never had been.
And
in 1973 Zahir Muhsein, a member of the Executive Board of the PLO admitted to a
Dutch newspaper that there was no Palestinian "People" -- it was only
a political ploy and that once the Jews were annihilated, the PLO would
merge with Jordan.
The
circumstances surrounding the drafting of the 1964 PLO Charter and its
corroboration we have from the personal knowledge of Major-General Ion Pacepa,
the highest ranking defector from the Soviet bloc during the Cold War. Even if
they were a real People, the Palestinians in the Jewish People's State are not
threatened with genocide nor cultural extinction. Each year the
Palestinian population grows larger. Arabic is a second official language of Israel . The Arabs control their
own schools and use them to incite against the Jews. If the no-priority-for-Sovereign-State-territorial-integrity
theory were to be applied, what of the plight of the minority in the
territory to be removed, and the plight of the majority of those remaining
which those theorists say must be fair?
The
loss of the Judea , Samaria and East Jerusalem would mean the loss to
the Jewish People 1. of defensible borders, 2, their cultural heritage
including the Western Wall of the Temple Mount , and 3. the civil rights
of those in the territory removed as the Arabs are clear that all Jews would be
expelled from the territory removed from the Jewish People's state. Further
facts and law on the above are available in Benzimra, The
Jewish
People's Rights to Israel under International Law,
published by Amazon on Kindle in 2011 and Part I of the present paper.
Vietnam Redux Of the two biggest threats to Israel , one is a nuclear Iran . The other is the split
in the unity of the Jewish People in Israel and the Diaspora over Judea and Samaria . It was Brezhnev who
pushed Arafat to drop the slogan that the PLO was going to annihilate the Jews
or push them into the sea, and instead claim they were liberating the
Palestinian People; to pretend to renounce violence and pretend to seek peace.
The Vietnamese General Giap also counseled him to do this to split the unity of
the American people — it had worked so well for North Vietnam .
(http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/viewSubCategory.asp?id=46)
When
Netanyahu approves the Levy Report and asserts Jewish sovereignty over Judea and Samaria , the question of
statehood for the so called Palestinian People becomes an internal matter
of the sovereign state of Israel as well as the Jewish
People's state, Eretz Yisrael, and the UN requires that other states not
disrupt that unity. "Every State shall refrain from any action aimed at
the partial or total disruption of the national unity and territorial integrity
of any other State or country." Declaration On Principles Of
Operation Among States In Accordance With The Charter Of The United
Nations (1970)
END
NOTES
1. Levy Report, English
Translation, http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2012/07/
English--‐ translation--‐of--‐
legal--‐ arguments.html?goback=%2Egde_3188536_member_1 34228375 2.
Fourth Geneva Convention, Article
49,
http://www.refworld.org/cgi--‐ bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=3ae6b36d2
3. San Remo Resolution, http://www.cfr.org/israel/san--‐remo--‐
resolution/p15248 4. Balfour Declaration,
http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.
NSF/0/E210CA73E38 D9E1D052565FA00705C61
5. British Mandate for Palestine, (1922)
See Hertz, "Mandate for Palestine," Appendix
A,
http://www.mythsandfacts.org/conflict/mandate_for_palestine/mandate_for_palestine.htm
or http://www.think--israel.org/hertz.palestinemandate---
html.html. Both versions include maps and
additional material. 6. Sovereignty Over the Old
City of Jerusalem; A Study
of the Historical, Religious,
Political and Legal Aspects of the Question of
the Old City, submitted by Dr. Jacques
Gauthier as a thesis to the
University of Geneva in 2007. 7. Howard
Grief, Legal Foundations and Boundaries of Israel under
International Law 8. Salomon Benzimra, The Jewish
Peoples' Rights to the Land of Israel 9. Wallace
Brand, op ed,
Part
1: http://www.irsraelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article. aspx/11408.
Part
2: http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.a spx/11412.
10.
Cynthia Wallace, "Foundations
of the International Legal Rights of the
Jewish People and the State of Israel and
the Implications for the Proposed New Palestinian
State." 11. http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2012/07/english--
translation--of--legal-- arguments.html?goback=%2Egde_3188536_member_1 34228375
12. Israel 's Legitimacy
in Law and History, edited by Edward M.
Siegel, Esq., Center for Near East Policy Research,
New York (1993). pp
113. 13."Israel 's Legal Right to
Samaria ,"
http://shomroncentral.blogspot.com/p/5--legal--rights--
to--samaria.html 14. Douglas Feith, "A
Mandate for Palestine ,"
http://www.zionismontheweb.org/middle_east/Israel
/Israel_and_palestine_mandate_for_israel.htm. Elliott A. Green,
"International Law regarding the State of
Israel 59 and Jerusalem," Think--Israel.org,
http://www.think--israel.org/green.sanremo.html 15. Theodor Meron
opinion: http://www.soas.ac.uk/lawpeacemideast/resources/fil
e48485.pdf
16. Talia Sasson report: http://rt.com/news/sasson--
Israel --settlement--money--089/
17. http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2012/07/english--
translation--of--legal--arguments.html?goback=%2Egde_3188536_member_1 34228375
18. http://www.un.org/en/documents/
udhr/
19. Alan Baker, "The Settlements
Issue: Distorting the Geneva Convention and the
Oslo Accords,"
http://jcpa.org/article/the--settlements--issue-- distorting--the--geneva--convention--and--the--oslo--
accords/ 20. Levy Report, English Translation,
supra. Note #1. 21.
UNGA Resolution 181, 1947
Partition Recommendation
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/un/res181.htm
22.http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter12.shtml 23.Howard
Grief "Legal Rights and Title of
Sovereignty of the Jewish People to the
Land of Israel and Palestine under International
Law" http://www.acpr.org.il/ENGLISH--NATIV/02-- issue/grief--2.htm
[bracketed material added] 60 24. Lee, The
Mandate for Mesopotamia and the Principle of
Trusteeship in English Law, (1921) League of
Nations Union, Forgotten Books Critical Reprint
Series (2012). See also the International
Court of Justice decision in the Namibia
case, LEGAL CONSEQUENCES FOR STATES OF THE
CONTINUED PRESENCE OF SOUTH AFRICA IN
NAMIBIA (SOUTH--‐WEST AFRICA) NOTWITHSTANDING SECURITY
COUNCIL RESOLUTION 276 (1970) Advisory Opinion of 21
June 1971 25.
http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisd
ay/big/1111.html#article 26.
http://www.mideastweb.org/zionistborders.htm
27. Treaty of Sevres Article 95,
http://www.hri.org/docs/sevres/part3.html 28
Memorandum from Lord Balfour to Lord Curzon,
August 11, 1919, Document number 242 from:
EL
Woodward
and Rohan Butler, Documents on British Foreign
Policy, 1919--1939. (London: HM Stationery Office,
1952), 340--348. 29. Kirkbride, A Crackle
of Thorns, Chapter 3 30. Friedman, Palestine :
A
Twice--Promised Land, Vol. 1: The British,
the Arabs, and Zionism, 1915--‐1920. (2000) 31.
Sacher, The Establishment of a Jewish State,
London (1952),
Hyperion Reprint edition, 1976
32. Benzimra, The Jewish Peoples Rights
to the Land of Israel. , note #8 33.
See: "Acts of Aggression Provoked, Committed, and
Prepared by Arab States in Concert with the
Palestine Arab Higher Committee against the Jewish
Population of Palestine in an Attempt to Alter
by Force the Settlement Envisaged by the
General Assembly's Resolution on the Future
Government of Palestine," memorandum submitted by
the Jewish Agency for Palestine to the
United Nations Palestine Commission, Feb. 2,
1948; Moshe Shertok, "Letter from the
Jewish Agency for Palestine Dated 29 March
1948, Addressed to the Secretary--‐General Transmitting
a Memorandum on Acts of Arab Aggression," UNSC, S/710, Apr. 5,
1948. http://domino.un.org/pdfs/AAC21JA12.pdf 34. UNGA Res
181, Recommending Partition, note #21, supra.
35. Wall St. Journal,
http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/du
board.php?az=view_all&address=124x352032 36.Myth and Fact
http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/myths3/
MFrefugees.html 37. http://jhvonline.com/jerusalem--our--redeemable--
right--jews--hold--legal--sovereignty--over--israels--p10173--
96.htm 38. The Iron Cage: The Story of
the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by
Rashid Khalidi (Oct 15, 2006) [bracketed
material added] 39. "Assessing the Role
Palestinians Have Played in the Failed Bid
for Statehood," Steven Erlanger, NY Times, Oct.
7, 2006. 40. Riebenfeld, "The Legitimacy of
Jewish Settlement in Judea, Samaria and Gaza,"
in Edward M. Siegel, ed., 62 41.
Tulin, Book of Documents submitted to the United Nations
General Assembly Relating to the National Home for
the Jewish People, The Jewish Agency, New
York, 1947, p. 5,6. Some additional
evidence supporting the propositions in the
foregoing pages: In approving the Balfour
Declaration, Leopold Amery, one of the
Secretaries to the British War Cabinet of 1917--1918
testified under oath to the Anglo--American
Committee of Inquiry in January, 1946 from
his personal knowledge [Tr. 1/30/46, p 112]
that: 1. He believed that the Jewish
National Home was an experiment to determine whether there
would eventually be a Jewish majority over the whole of Palestine.
2. He believed that the territory for which
political rights were to be recognized was
intended to include all of Palestine both
east and west of the Jordan River. 3.
He had always assumed that the particular reference to not infringing the civil
or religious liberties of Arab population was not so much a safeguard
against the British Government infringing those liberties . . ., but a
Jewish state infringing those liberties. Therefore, at the time
that possibility of a Jewish majority over the whole of the larger Palestine was, he thought
envisaged. 4. The phrase “the establishment in Palestine of a National Home
for the Jewish people” was 63 intended and understood by all concerned to
mean at the time of the Balfour Declaration that Palestine would ultimately become a
“Jewish Commonwealth” or a “Jewish State”, if only Jews came and settled
there in sufficient numbers. 5. Recalled that Lloyd-George had testified
earlier (likely in 1939 at the time of the 1939 White Paper):
“...There could be no doubt as to what the Cabinet then had in
mind. It was not their idea that a Jewish State should be set up
immediately by the Peace Treaty…. On the other hand, it was contemplated that
when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine , if the Jews had
meanwhile responded to the opportunity afforded them … and had become a
definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a
Jewish Commonwealth. The notion that the Jews should be a permanent
minority never entered into the heads of anyone engaged in framing the
policy. That would have been regarded as unjust, and as a fraud on the
people to whom we were appealing.” 42. Leonard Stein, The Balfour
Declaration. “That the
Declaration
paved the way for a Jewish State
seems to judging from the press, to
have been taken for granted. The headlines
in the London newspapers – ‘A state
for the Jews’ (Daily Express) – ‘Palestine for
the Jews’ (The Times, Morning Post, Daily
News).
The Spectator wrote of ‘the proposal for the
establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine .’ The Manchester
Guardian saw the Declaration as leading to
‘the ultimate establishment of a Jewish
State.’ The Observer wrote: ‘It is no idle
dream that by the close of another
generation the new Zion may become a
state.’ Pp. 562, 63 And “When Balfour met
Brandeis in Paris in June 1919, he
remarked . . . . that Palestine represented a
unique situation. We are dealing not with
the wishes of an existing community but
are consciously seeking to re-- constitute a
new community and definitely building for a
numerical majority in the future’ He had, he
went on, great difficulty in seeing
how President Wilson could reconcile his
adherence to Zionism with the doctrine of
self--determination, to which Brandeis replied that ‘he whole
conception of Zionism as a Jewish homeland was a definite
building up for the future as the means of dealing with a world
problem and not merely with the disposition of an existing
community. ‘Balfour gave the argument a slightly different
turn at his interview with Meinertzhagen a few weeks later.
‘He agreed . . . in principle,
Meinertzhagen wrote in his diary (30 July
1919 ), in the principle of self--determination, but it could not
be indiscriminately applied to the whole world, and Palestine
was a case in point . . .
In any Palestinian plebiscite the Jews of
the world must be consulted in which case he sincerely
believed that an overwhelming majority would declare for Zionism
under a British mandate.’P.649 43. Public Hearings Before the Anglo--American
Committee of Inquiry, Jerusalem (Palestine ) 8[--26]
March, 1946, Albert Hourani, The Case Against a
Jewish State in
emphasize,
without elaborating what needs no further
elaboration, the unalterable opposition of the
Arab nation to the attempt to impose
a Jewish State upon it. This opposition is
based upon the unwavering conviction of
unshakeable rights and a conviction of the
injustice of forcing a long--settled population
to accept immigrants without its consent
being asked and against its known and
expressed will; the injustice of turning a
majority into a minority in its own
country; the injustice of withholding self--government
until the Zionists are in the majority and able to profit by it. P. 80
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